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Explainer · 5 min

Why Some States Have No Tribal Casinos: IGRA, Cabazon and State Gambling Policy

From Utah's prohibition to Hawaii's lack of a recognized tribe, the gaps on the tribal gaming map have different causes.

Tribal casinos operate in roughly thirty states, yet several states have no tribal gaming at all. Understanding why requires a short tour through the legal architecture of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, the Supreme Court's decision in California v. Cabazon Band of Mission Indians and the way state public policy shapes what a tribe may offer. This explainer addresses a common question among readers and prospective investors: why do some states have no tribal casinos, and what would it take for that to change? The short answer is that tribal gaming is a matter of federal law, but it operates inside a framework in which a state's own gambling policy matters a great deal.

How the map of tribal gaming is drawn

According to figures the National Indian Gaming Commission publishes, roughly 250 tribes operate gaming in about 29 states. Our overview, tribal gaming by the numbers, summarizes the national footprint. That leaves a number of states without tribal casinos. In some, the reason is simple: there are no federally recognized tribes with eligible lands. In others, tribes exist but legal barriers or state gambling policy limit what they can offer.

IGRA divides gaming into three classes. Class I covers traditional social games and is regulated solely by tribes. Class II covers bingo and related games and is regulated by tribes with National Indian Gaming Commission oversight. Class III covers casino-style games such as slot machines and table games and requires a tribal-state compact, as well as a tribal ordinance approved by the Commission. We describe the distinctions in our explainer on Class II versus Class III gaming.

The Cabazon principle: state policy matters

The foundation of the modern industry is the Supreme Court's 1987 ruling in California v. Cabazon Band of Mission Indians. The Court distinguished between state laws that are criminal and prohibitory and those that are civil and regulatory. Where a state permits a form of gaming in some form, it is regulating the activity, and a tribe in that state may generally conduct that activity free from state regulation. Where a state prohibits the activity outright as a matter of public policy, the state's law may apply on Indian lands under federal statute. Our explainer on the Cabazon decision covers the case and its consequences in detail.

IGRA built on that logic. For Class III gaming, a tribe may conduct the games only in a state that permits such gaming for any purpose by any person, organization or entity, and only under a compact. We discuss that standard in the explainer on the scope of gaming under IGRA. This is why a state with sweeping gambling prohibitions can limit tribal options even though the casino would be on sovereign land.

Utah and Hawaii: two different reasons

Utah and Hawaii are the two states most often cited as having no legal gambling of any kind, and they illustrate two distinct situations. Utah has a long-standing constitutional and statutory prohibition on gambling and has federally recognized tribes within its borders. Hawaii, by contrast, has no federally recognized tribe in the sense that IGRA uses the term, which means the statute's framework does not apply in the same way. Efforts to extend federal recognition to Native Hawaiians have been debated for years and are a separate matter of federal Indian law, not a gaming question alone.

These two cases show that an absence of tribal casinos can reflect different underlying causes: state public policy in one case and the structure of federal recognition in the other. Neither reflects a lack of interest or capacity among Native communities in general, and readers should be cautious about attributing the gaps to a single factor. For the equivalent question about tribes that are recognized but lack gaming, see our analysis of the IGRA access gap.

Other barriers: land, compacts and politics

Even in states where gaming is permitted, a tribe must have eligible land and a path to a compact. Land must qualify as Indian lands under IGRA, as we describe in our explainer on the definition of Indian lands. Newly acquired lands face the general prohibition on gaming in section 20 of IGRA, with exceptions. If a state declines to negotiate in good faith, a tribe may sue, though the Supreme Court's 1996 decision in Seminole Tribe v. Florida limited that remedy and led to the secretarial procedures process. Our guide to secretarial procedures explains what remains available.

Politics also plays a role. Some states have preferred to expand commercial or state-run gambling rather than negotiate with tribes. Others have approached tribal gaming through limited models, such as Class II games or lottery-based systems, which we discuss in our analysis of Idaho's lottery-machine model.

What would change the picture

Changes could come through state constitutional amendments, legislation, federal recognition decisions, or new interpretations of what a state's public policy permits. None is simple, and each is typically a matter of years. For readers following the field, the legal guide provides a structured introduction to IGRA, and the tribal gaming directory lists operators across the states where tribal gaming does exist.

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